[1]                 The will of Stephen Sydnor was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.1, f.249v.  See Appendix.

[2]                 Master indicated respect for academic rank, always a member of the clergy.

[3]                 Clerk indicated a priest with less education.

[4]                 Simon Smith may have been kin or only a trusted friend; however he may have been a son-in-law as noted below

[5]                 Simon Smith, together with William Corkwell, held all of Stephen Sydnor's lands as feofee* in a charter dated earlier than and noted in his will.  Thus it appeared that Simon was possibly a son-in-law, although there may have been another reason for his being heir to Stephen.

[6]                 Joan was specifically shown as Stephen's daughter in his will.  There was no further mention of living progeny.

[7]                 This was when her probable husband wrote his will naming a wife named Margery.

[8]                 Stephen Sydnor's will read "I make and constitute the same Joan and William Corkwell my executors . . .." That sentence structure suggested that Joan and William might be wife and husband.  The marriage can only be conjecture since no other proof has been found.

[9]                 The will of a William Corkwell of Leeds in Kent, dated 17 August 1479 and probated 24 September 1479, was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.3, f.212.  His will showed that his wife at the time was named Margery and that she was his executrix.  William also named sons his John, Thomas, and Vincent, plus an unmarried daughter Joan, possibly the child of and named for, his first wife, although Joan was a popular name of the day. 

               Certainly this was the William Corkwell who served as Stephen Sydnor's executor since both men were of Leeds in Kent.  If Margery was a second wife and not the mother of all his children, her position as executrix demonstrated great trust. 

[10]               Messuage indicated a dwelling house, necessary buildings, attached gardens, and lands appropriated to the use of the household.

[11]               Rochell and New Hythe were not found on contemporary Ordnance maps.

[12]            The age of John Sydnor, as estimated from his attendance at Magdalene College, made Stephen a likely parent. In addition, there were few families in which there was not a son John.  John Sydnor was not named in the will of Stephen Sydnor, but Stephen’s will made it clear that there had been some bequests from his estate before the extant copy of his will was drafted.

[13]               The Administration of this estate was shown at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 3, v.10, f.79r.  See Appendix.  The Administration cited a will for which a copy has not been found.

This Master John Sydnor, if the two records, one of Oxford and the Act of Administration indeed applied to the same person, lived to a ripe age of ninety years or so.  That was a rare age, even more then than today.

[14]            Sutton Valence is located only three or four miles south of Leeds where John's probable father Stephen resided.  The monasteries had been closed due to the English reformation, and John was living perhaps on the property that Alice (Jenour) Sydnor had inherited here from her father, perhaps with a kinsman.

[15]               Fellow indicated one who was incorporated into a college.

[16]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.  The use of "Master" in his biography and in the Administration agreed with John's career as a priest.

[17]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.  The eight shillings* shown in the bursar's accounts for the college for 1507-8 probably relate to the payment for carriage of the books from "Master [Magister] Sidnor."  Are the books still part of the Magdalene collection?

[18]            The choice of a common father with John Sydnor Sr was discussed at that entry.  This William Sydnor Sr [E6] is the first certain forbear.

[19]            See The Story of a Dozen Generations: Seidner, Sidener, Sydner, and Sydnor Family History, Orrin Wade Sidener, v.1 (1961), p.98.  Sidener estimated the birth year as 1430, and that seemed reasonable.

               The researcher must be careful in using the data found in this reference.  Although Sidener claimed he had the assistance of a genealogist in England during June and July 1959, his account of early English Sydnors was flawed by conjecture offered as fact.  Sometimes that data was inaccurate.  In addition, his account misinterpreted some information supplied by his researcher, e.g. using citations for wills as addresses.

[20]            This will for William Sydnor Sr was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.2, f.572v.  See Appendix.

[21]            It was possibly this William Sydnor Sr was successor to some of the lands of another William Sydnor Jr at Barham and Denton, although there was no reference by him found to those lands in general or in particular.

Paul Sydnor, the grandson of this William, sold the manor of Madekin that had been held by William Sydnor Jr of Barham and Denton.

[22]            Katherine’s maiden name possibly was Wanden.  The names Richard and Katherine appear in both families, both families lived in the same area, and both families seemed to share similar social status.  No stronger connection was found, however.

[23]            The name of that principal messuage* was not given. If it were Egerton manor*, he likely would have referred to it as a manor* rather than messuage*.  On the other hand, perhaps it no longer served as a manor* and thus the messuage* referred to in his will.

[24]            The will of a Richard Wanden, dated 8 April 1507 with no probate given, was found at Consistory Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 32, v.9, f.24.  His will showed wife Elizabeth, daughter Agnes Longe who was widow of John Longe, grandchildren Richard Longe, Nicholas Longe, Gilbert Longe, Elizabeth Longe, and Katherine Longe, and sons-in-law Thomas Newynden and John Sharp.  Richard Wanden's principal messuage* was at Frith’s [Fryddys] Forstall where William Sydnor Sr [E6] also held land.  Wanden also held a messuage* and lands in Smarden.

               The will of Richard Wanden showed that he had lately bought a messuage* called Philpottes [Phylpottes] of Richard Sydnor, most likely the eldest son of William Sr since the land was near Egerton and since no other Richard Sydnor thereabouts has been found.

               The family of Wanden held the manor* of Egerton about this time.  There was undoubtedly a close connection between the Wandens and Sydnors.  Richard Wanden may have been kin, a brother-in-law or just a close friend. 

               No other appropriate Wanden wills were found nor were there any references to Wandens given in the Harleian Visitation Series.  No pertinent wills or other information on Newenden, Sharp, or Long have been found.

[25]         The relationship with George Pemill is not known.

[26]         The relationship with John Burghwash is not known.

[27]         The relationship with Richard Fokes is not known.

[28]         The relationship with Robert Bachelor is not known, but perhaps Robert was his manservant.

[29]         William stated that there were four pieces of land, but named five.

[30]         This position probably indicated that Richard was the youngest.

[31]            This property was the principal messuage* of Richard Wanden at the time Wanden wrote his will in 1507.

[32]               These children were mentioned in the will of William Sr [E6].  The sons were listed in the will in the order given below.  In addition, the value of the inheritance was in the order provided

               At first glance, it might appear that the direct line also might be carried to John Sydnor [E7].  William Sydnor Sr [E6] and John Sydnor Sr [E7] had children with very similar names and in similar quantities. 

Upon study of all the wills of fathers and children and correlation of the properties held by both lines, there is little question about the connection of these children with William Sydnor Sr [E6].  It is quite apparent that William Sr's line held the family estates at Egerton and continued there.  John Sr held the lands in Lynsted, and his children continued to live in that vicinity.

[33]               Thomas was called “Sir” in the will of his brother William Jr.  There was no further record of this honor.  Although his brother Richard was awarded a coat of arms, there was no record of knighthood for him.  Perhaps Richard assumed the coat of arms of his brother or perhaps this privilege was inherited, since the entire family was entitled to use it.

[34]               From a requirement when Thomas was to be twenty-two years old and the seven year custodial term given in his father’s will, Thomas was probably fifteen years old at the time his father’s will was given.

               The Story of a Dozen Generations: Seidner, Sidener, Sydner, and Sydnor Family History, Orrin Wade Sidener, v.1 (1961), p.98, gives the birthyear for Thomas as 1461.  There was no basis offered for this date.

[35]               As noted below, Thomas was awarded a pension this year.

Thomas was not shown as an annuitant or pensioner in the records of 24 February 1556/7.  See A Help Towards a Kentish Monasticon, W. E. Glaherty (Archaeologia Cantiana), v.2 (1859), pp.64-65. 

[36]            See footnote below for explanation of the use of Egerton as a surname for Thomas.

[37]               See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by Joyce M. Horn, v.9 (1964), p.132.

               With great certainty, as given in the footnote above and given the designation of canon* of Leeds, this was Thomas Sydnor.

               Interestingly, another monk of the same name or alias, Thomas Egerton of St Augustine’s Abbey at Canterbury, was ordained in 1496 and 1498 by Morton.

[38]               See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by Joyce M. Horn, v.9 (1964), p.133. 

[39]            A list of the members constituting the priory* of Leeds in the early part of the 16th century was found at A Help Towards a Kentish Monasticon, W. E. Glaherty (Archaeologia Cantiana), v.2 (1859), pp.64-65.  Thomas “Egerton” was shown in the list and was certainly the same person named as the brother in the will of William Sydnor Jr [E16].

               Examination of the list of member of the priory* argues for another last name for Thomas Egerton.  The "surnames" of the sixteen fathers [dominus] and one brother [frater] were, for the most part, names of parishes in Kent: Langley, Brenchley, Huntingdon, Bedireden (Bethersden?), Holingbourne, Harrietsham, Goudhurst, Egerton, Rainham, Lynsted, and Tenterden.  John London was another example of using a place name.  The only exceptions were Goldston, Leycest, Vincent, and Wedrove, and the basis for those second names in these cases is uncertain.  Thomas Sydnor was from Egerton, just as the other individuals were probably from the parishes that provided their new names.

               Another argument in favor of substituting Sydnor for Egerton was that Thomas used the surname Sydnor when he was granted a pension.

[40]               See House of Augustin Canons, (The Victoria History of the County of Kent)v.2, p.162.  This was the beginning of the English reformation, as crown had just asserted control of church properties, but the priory was escaping the first round of dissolutions.

[41]               See Papers of Henry VIII, v.15, p.359.  The priory* was dissolved about this time, and the pension was likely part of the settlement.

[42]               This birthdate was found at The Story of a Dozen Generations: Seidner, Sidener, Sydner, and Sydnor Family History, Orrin Wade Sidener, v.1 (1961), p.98.  The source for a birthdate has not been found.  Parish accounts for births, deaths, and marriages typically were not recorded at that time. 

From the will of Richard’s father, it appeared that Richard might soon be twenty in 1483.  That date fitted with the unsubstantiated birthdate as shown.

[43]               See Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, v.7, p.534. 

This citation noted that Robert Aldridge was sworn as registrar* vice Master* Sydnor, deceased.

[44]               See The Story of a Dozen Generations: Seidner, Sidener, Sydner, and Sydnor Family History, Orrin Wade Sidener, v.1 (1961), p.98.  The reference was shown as Archdeaconry Court of Berkshire, Register A, page 123.  The will was not found there.

               As a man of considerable means and influence, there is every reason to believe that Richard executed a will and testament.  The logical probate would have been in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, since he probably held property in more than one diocese.  His will was not there, unless it had been cataloged improperly.

               Since Richard was a member of the chapter, the next logical place would have been with the dean of St George’s Chapel who held testamentary* powers.  Unfortunately, many documents did not survive, and if it were filed there, there was no record of a will for Richard .

               In all, there were seven locations for Berkshire wills, and all have been searched carefully, but to no avail. 

               In addition, the wills of Exeter and Cornwall, where Richard had held various benefices, were searched, and no will was found there.  The wills for Exeter in Devon were incomplete for the year 1534, although it was improbable for Richard Sydnor's will to be proved there.

               In addition, the wills of York, where Richard had held the prebendary* of Curborough, were searched, and no will was found there.

[45]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[46]               As a cleric, Richard was unmarried in his early career and almost certainly remained so for his life.  Henry VIII, despite his own proclivities, was a strong advocate of celibacy for the priesthood.  As a spiritual attendant upon the Princess Mary, a devoted Roman Catholic later to known as “Bloody Mary” and adamant defender of the old faith, Richard probably held to strict celibacy.

[47]            No provision was made for Richard’s minority in the will of his father dated 1483, but there were those provisions for his two brothers.

Being the eldest, Richard typically was not the likely candidate for the family to encourage for the priesthood.  Probably the force of the decision was his own.  His younger brother Thomas [E17], a cousin Thomas Sydnor [E24], and another older kinsman John Sydnor [E15] were also priests at the time.

[48]               This bequest was shown in his father’s will.

[49]               An acolyte  is an ecclesiatical novice who attends priests in their duties.

[50]               Ramsbury in Wiltshire was one of several of the episcopal residences of the see of Salisbury.

[51]               See The Register of Thomas Langton, Bishop of Salisbury, 1485-93, ed. D. P. Wright (Canterbury and York Society, 1985), p.108. 

               Langton had allied himself with Richard III and probably was at Bosworth Field.  Not only was he restored by the new king, Henry VII, but in 1500 he was nominated by the crown to be archbishop of Canterbury.   Exeter was an important part of the beginning of the religious career for Thomas Langton, as was true for Richard Sydnor.  As a bishop, Langton was deeply committed to his day-to-day episcopal duties.

[52]               Leeds was an Augustinian priory.  Priories and abbeys were houses for men an women who had taken religious orders, with a prior having slightly lower standing than an abbot.  Meaning of Augustinian?

[53]               See The Register of Thomas Langton, Bishop of Salisbury, 1485-93, ed. D. P. Wright (Canterbury and York Society, 1985), p.110.  Title indicated who was responsible for him and his spiritual care.  Deacon was a first stage, of normally short duration, in becoming a priest.

[54]               See The Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1486-1500, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill (Canterbury and York Society, 1987), v.1, p.131.  The ordination lists were far from complete, and there was good fortune in finding the report for Richard Sydnor.  There were only seven occasions of record when Bishop Martyn substituted for Archbishop Morton. 

               It is interesting to speculate as to why Richard Sydnor, a priest with title* of an Augustinian priory, would choose to celebrate ordination with a Franciscan rather than the archbishop.

[55]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839. 

The college was about forty years old when Richard attended, and the founder had died only seven years earlier.  Most of the buildings were new, and much construction was underway while he was there.  The clock tower, that still stands, was underway from 1492 till 1505. 

Richard used his time at the university to hone his political and business skills, while he gained high academic achievements

There was an allowance made for the fellows of the college at eight pence* per week maximum that varied with the price of corn.  See Magdalene College, H. A. Wilson, University of Oxford, College Histories (1899).

[56]               Chancellor (later Lord High Chancellor) here was the highest judicial officer and keeper of the Great Seal.  Wolsey was the first to hold the position as chancellor to the crown.

[57]            Bursar was purser or treasurer of a college.

[58]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.2077.  Wolsey had first admitted to Magdalene at the age of fifteen.  Wolsey was, likely later a mentor of Richard as Richard may have been for him at college.

Wolsey was one of only two English cardinals, both of whom attended Magdalene College. 

[59]               See Magdalene College, H. A. Wilson, University of Oxford, College Histories (1899).

The college celebrated Commemoration Days during the academic year to reflect on the founders and benefactors. On 4 November of each year, the college commemorated a gift from William and Robert Preston who, in 1487 just eight years earlier.  The gift provided funds for four exhibitions for fellows*, each exhibition with the value of four marks*.

Although the award may have been based to some extent on need, nonetheless for Richard to have held the position for five years appeared quite an honor

[60]               Around this time, the three bursars found themselves in persistent difficulties with respect to funds.  See Magdalene College, H. A. Wilson, University of Oxford, College Histories (1899).

[61]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[62]               The college had two deans, art and divinity, who served the two professed purposes of the institution.  See Magdalene College, H. A. Wilson, University of Oxford, College Histories (1899).

[63]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[64]               See Memorials of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, George Frederick Beltz, p.408?; also Oxoniensis Academia: (1749), John Pointer; also Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715), v.3, p.485. 

               There were two proctors for the university, with the other proctor for this year from Lincoln College.  The proctor was one of two such members of the government of the university who were chosen annually, together with the chancellor, high steward, and vice-chancellor, who held the master of arts, who assisted the vice-chancellor in convocations and congregations, who saw the scholastic exercises were duly performed, statutes observed, just weights and measures kept, right habits worn, and the public place preserved, etc.

[65]               A canon was a member of the clergy belonging to the chapter or on the staff of a cathedral or collegiate church and supported by a stipend called a prebend.  Before the reformation, the council of canons held the authority to elect the diocesan bishop.

               Canons were typically chosen from families of some means.  These men were expected to have certain social skills and enough means to keep up appearances until they had accumulated enough benefices to be self sustaining.  Of course there was recompense for the office of canon*, in income as well as servants and often very nice quarters.

               Throughout his life Richard, with his other duties to the crown and the expenses of his high positions, probably followed the useful custom of that day whereby he would use the incomes from his benefices such as archdeacon*, canon*, rector* and vicar* to hire another priest for parish chores.  Thus he would retain the balance of the many incomes to support himself appropriately while engaged in his affairs.

[66]               See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by B. Jones, v.10 (1964), p.28; also Fasti Wyndesoriensis: The Deans and Canons of Windsor, S. L. Ollard (1950), p.138; also A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

               John Arundel was bishop of the see of Coventry and Lichfield from 1496 until 8 April 1502, after which he translated to the see of Exeter.  If John was not responsible for this first ecclesiastical award to Richard Sydnor, then certainly Richard used the post to win John Arundel’s favor.  As seen below, Richard was further rewarded by John Arundel in the diocese of Exeter.

[67]               Richard, in his career as a priest, appeared to have been active politically as well as ecclesiastically. 

               Arundel had been a canon* of St George's Chapel in Windsor from 1479 to 1496.  John Arundel was dean* of Exeter for thirteen years before rising to the episcopate of Coventry and Lichfield.  Arundel was bishop* of Exeter (which included Devon and Cornwall) from 1502 to 1504 when he died.  This John Arundel was a rare bishop because he performed his duties personally.  Arundel participated in a significant uprising against Richard III before escaping.  The seriousness of the event was evidenced by the beheading of those unfortunate enough to be captured.  It was said that this bishop was eager to reward merit and that he modeled his life on St Jerome "that it is the glory of a bishop to provide for the wants of the poor, and that it is a disgrace to God's priests to be studious of accumulating riches."  See Lives of the Bishops of Exeter, George Oliver (1861), p.117.

[68]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839. 

Another source shows this benefice to be only a vicarage*, not a prebendary*, but the reformation may have been the cause of such a change.  See Lists of Ecclesiastical Benefices . . ., (1837), p.150

[69]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839. 

               In the middle ages, a bachelor's degree was given when a student had completed the course of study and demonstrated full knowledge of the subjects.  A master's degree was earned by one who had the ability to teach, although the term given to many who had not earned it. 

Some sources show Richard to have doctor of theology and other show doctor of divinity.  The doctorate, theology and divinity was the same and could be had only by studying and teaching for upwards of sixteen years.  Examination was primarily by taking part in disputations -- not by answering written questions.  Richard's doctor of divinity or theology was an earned degree, rather than honorary.

[70]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[71]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[72]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[73]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839;. also An Alphabetical List of the Members of the Cathedral Church of St Peter in Exeter, ed. H. B. Hyde, v.1.  The manuscript is held at Exeter Cathedral Library. 

[74]               See Papers of Henry VIII, pt.3, m.22.

See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by Joyce M. Horn, v.9 (1964), p.3, where the death of John Arundel was shown as 15 March 1503/4.  The will of John Arundel, dated 14 March 1503/4 and probated 26 July 1504, was found at Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Holgate, f.14.  The will of Arundel is being extracted.

               This position as executor appeared to represent friendship and great trust by the bishop and probably a high honor for Richard.  It is interesting to speculate how Richard Sydnor’s career would have been changed if Arundel had lived longer.

[75]               The “pardon and release” probably related to the conclusion of his duties as executor.

[76]               See Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, v.1, p.438.  Richard’s was one of hundreds of pardons* granted.

[77]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.  The book of receipts for 1505 to 1514, kept by Richard Sydnor, is in the Exeter Cathedral Library, ms.3690.

               Hugh Oldham, the bishop of Exeter from 1505 to 1519 under whom Richard continued to serve and grow in responsibility, was an early reformer and promoted a renaissance in learning.  Bishops Oldham and Arundel had to have been important and worthy influences.

[78]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[79]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[80]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[81]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[82]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[83]            The sale was noted in the will of a Richard Wanden, dated 8 April 1507 and no probate given, found at Consistory Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 32, v.9, f.24.  See the discussion of the Wandens in the footnotes above. 

There is no record of how Richard Sydnor acquired this property.  There is no feature called Philpottes on present Ordnance maps.

[84]               See Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1494-1509, Henry VII, Public Records Office, London, p.374.  The sins for which this pardon was needed were not given.

[85]               See Register of Magdalene College Oxford, William Dunn Macray, v.1 (1894), p.122.  The receiving of gloves was an investiture and possibly symbolized a gift. 

[86]               See correction at Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by Joyce M. Horn, v.9 (1964), p.17, fn.2. 

In error, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by T. Duffus Hardy, v.1, p.399, stated that Richard Sydnor collated as archbishop of Cornwall on 13 May 1515, but resigned for the archdeaconry of Totnes soon after.  The mistake was repeated at Norfolk, Francis Blomefield, v.5 (1806), p.289; also Register of Magdalene College Oxford, William Dunn Macray, v.1 (1894), p.122; also Fasti Wyndesoriensis: The Deans and Canons of Windsor, S. L. Ollard (1950), p.138. 

[87]               An archdeacon, chief deacon; was one of the chief attendants on a bishop and appointed by the bishop to superintend rural deans.  The archdeacon held the lowest ecclesiastical court with the power of spiritual censure and which recorded certain wills and testaments.  The archdeacon held a powerful and financially rewarding office and managed a handful of deacons who in turn were charged with the oversight of the local parish clergy.

[88]               See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by Joyce M. Horn, v.9 (1964), p.19; also A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839; also An Alphabetical List of the Members of the Cathedral Church of St Peter in Exeter, ed. H. B. Hyde, v.1, (MS held at Exeter Cathedral Library).  The dates for commencing the responsibilities for Totnes were found at An Alphabetical List of the Members of the Cathedral Church of St Peter in Exeter, ed. H. B. Hyde, v.1, (MS held at Exeter Cathedral Library).

[89]               See Papers of Henry VIII, v.2, p.1473; also A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[90]            See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[91]            See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[92]               See Papers of Henry VIII, v.2, p.3980.  Although there are several Elstons in England, There is no Elston in the diocese, and the only Elton in the diocese is in Huntingdonshire.

[93]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[94]               See Papers of Henry VIII, v.2, p.4326.  Priories and abbeys were houses for men an women who had taken religious orders, with a prior having slightly lower standing than an abbot. 

[95]               See Papers of Henry VIII, v.1, p.1480.

[96]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[97]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839. 

At the time, Richard was chaplain to the king.  This spiritual relationship no doubt influenced the award of the post as canon*.

His college mate, Cardinal Wolsey, had been a canon* of St George from 1511 to 1515, another likely help to Richard Sydnor.  The paths of these two men crossed a number of times.  St George's Chapel was one of the richest ecclesiastical foundations in all of England. 

[98]               From the archives at Windsor Castle.  The original of the letter is no longer extant, although the Public Records Office may possess a copy.

[99]               See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[100]             See Norfolk, Francis Blomefield (1806), v.5, p.289.  For more information, see the chapter herein re Coats of Arms.  Either king-of-arms could have made the grant.  Although his brother Richard was awarded a coat of arms, there was no record of knighthood for him. 

               Thomas Sydnor, the brother of Richard, was also entitled to a coat of arms as denoted by the reference in the will of another brother William Sydnor Jr.  Perhaps Richard assumed the coat of arms of his brother or perhaps this privilege was inherited, since the entire family was entitled to use it.

[101]             See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839. 

Additional details were given in the original documents.  For example, see Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, v.3, pp.579,1538-1543,2750,2751; v.4, pp.782,1587,1691-1698.

[102]             See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[103]             Those windows were replaced with glass from the Victorian period.  The record of his service, together with that of his predecessors and successors, is commemorated in a tapestry hanging in the church. A booklet in the church misspelled his surname as "Syder."

[104]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.3, p.2121.

[105]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.3, p.2585.

[106]             See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[107]             See Tudor Exeter, Tax Assessments in 1489-1595 . . ., (Devon and Cornwall Record Society), v.22, pp.11,12,37,38.

[108]             See A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[109]             See Register of the Order of the Garter, v.2, pp. 366, 393; also Liber Niger, p.745.

[110]          See Ashmole's Institutions of the Garter, p.199.

[111]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.1610.

[112]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.2002.

[113]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.901.

[114]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.1953; also A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.

[115]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.2331.

[116]             See Frith's and Evan's Extracts, IV.B.17, p.17 and also at IV.B.22/f.1a.

[117]             The clerk of the closet was a priest who presided in a room in a palace used by the sovereign for private or household devotions.

[118]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.1953; also A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to AD 1500, Alfred Botherson Emden, v.3 (1959), p.1839.  The will of Geoffrey Wren, dated 4 March 1527/8 and probated 7 February 1528, was found at Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Porch f.27.  The text of the will named others as executors, not Richard Sydnor.

[119]             See The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, ed. John Neale Dalton (1957), p.95.  The thirteen included each of the canons*, one of whom was the dean*.

[120]             See The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, ed. John Neale Dalton (1957), p.149.

[121]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.5, p.307.  The purpose of this transaction was not given, but probably this covered some expense of Richard or the servant.

[122]             See Frith's and Evan's Extracts, IV.B.17, p.28.

[123]             See Frith's and Evan's Extracts, IV.B.17, p.28.  The meaning of this entry was uncertain.    “Settle the chantries” probably meant to settle the accounts for the chantries.

[124]             See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by B. Jones, v.6 (1963), p.89.

[125]             The prebendary* of Weighton is the patron* of the parish of Market Weighton in the east riding of York.

[126]             See Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, compiled by John LeNeve (1715) with corrections and additions by B. Jones, v.6 (1963), p.89. 

His friend, Cardinal Wolsey, had suggested this exchange in 1528.  See Register of Magdalene College Oxford, William Dunn Macray, v.1 (1894), p.124.

[127]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.4, p.2699.

[128]             See Frith's and Evan's Extracts, IV.B.17, p.29.  The Latin reads "infra le timber hall iuxta palam [palatium?] ex parte australi.  The reason for building this house at the age of sixty-five years to hold for twenty-eight years was not given, but possibly Richard was acting in the role of trustee for the chapter.  This may have been the Priest Street property.

[129]             See Frith's and Evan's Extracts, IV.B.17, p.29; also Hascard's Extracts II read "Protestation against allowance of non-residence of twenty-one because one of the canons was absent. Rawson and Sydnor, two canons*."  The citation is puzzling.

[130]             See the will of Richard Cotes at Lincoln Wills, Probate Registry at Lincoln, 1530-1532, ed. C. W. Foster, (London, 1930), v.3, p.152. 

[131]             Priest Street has been renamed to St Albans Street.

[132]             Old Hawes was an adjacent property for which there were many leases recorded.

[133]             See The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, ed. John Neale Dalton (1957), p.211. 

At sometime, it appeared that Richard may have personally held the lease for the “messuage* in Priest Street.”  Undoubtedly, he was responsible for the lease to his nephew and ward, Paul Sydnor.  For a considerable period thereafter, the leases of the property used Richard Sydnor’s name to differentiate the property from other properties in the same street held by the chapel. 

[134]             See The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, ed. John Neale Dalton (1957), pp.27-28.  Whether the reference was for property that was held personally by Richard or as trustee for the college* was not clear.  Perhaps the lease was held personally.  Although Richard Sydnor, as steward*, was responsible for leases and collections of all the property of the college, this was the only property that used his name to define it.

[135]             See The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, ed. John Neale Dalton (1957), p.228.

[136]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.5, p.686; v.6, p.32.  Although the calendar had not changed for reckoning the years, nonetheless 1 January was noted as New Year’s Day.

[137]             See Papers of Henry VIII, v.5, p.686; v.6, p.589.  Whether Richard dined with the king was not shown.  It is interesting that a note of the meal appeared in the records.

[138]          See Papers of Henry VIII, v.7, p.761.

[139]             See Austin's Register of the Garter, v.1, p.393; also Cole's Esceats; also British Museum ms.3881, f.72.  Also Fasti Oxonensis: An Exact History . . ., Anthony A. Wood (1815), v.1, p.12, states that Aldridge went on to become the bishop of Carlisle

[140]             The Feast of St Michael the Archangel, better known as Michaelmas was held on 29 September and marked the first of the commercial quarter-days of the English business year at which time rents and other debts were due and owing.

[141]             See The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, ed. John Neale Dalton (1957), p.116.  See a similar entry above for the fiscal year 1 October 1527 to 30 September 1528.

[142]             See An Alphabetical List of the Members of the Cathedral Church of St Peter in Exeter, ed. H. B. Hyde, v.1, (MS held at Exeter Cathedral Library).

[143]             Alice was mentioned in the will of her father in 1483.

[144]             Alice was not mentioned in the will of her brother William in 1515.

[145]          Because of the similarity in children's names, it was likely that John Sr and William Sr were brothers, and thereby they would have a common unknown father.

[146]             The will of John Sydnor Sr was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.9, f.73r.  See Appendix.

[147]             John Sr’s probable brother William Sr had a similar lot of children about the same ages: two sons with names matching his boys, Richard and William, and two daughters, Alice and Margaret.  This John Jr had a third son named John Jr while William Sr had a third son named Thomas.

               The similarity in children's names created the strong possibility for the two men to be brothers.  The certainty of connection of William Sr and John Sr with the children as shown has been given under William Sydnor Sr above.

[148]             The will of John Jr made it clear that his father was John Sr.

[149]             The will of John Sydnor Jr was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.8, f.179v.  See Appendix.

[150]             There was no Winston placename in the Index for the Ordnance Survey.

[151]             Richard was named in the will of his father.

[152]             The will and testament of probably this Richard Sydnor [Sethnere] was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.3, f.81v.  See Appendix.  The residence of Lynsted was significant in making the connection.

               It was interesting that he did not remember any Sydnors in his will.  Perhaps because he had already disposed of part of his property in anticipation of his death.

[153]             If Richard Sydnor had a wife, she might have been a Mott since the only beneficiaries of his will were Motts. 

[154]          In a search for a possible connection between Motts and Sydnors, the only possible will found was for of a Stephen Motte of Lynsted, dated 5 October 1464 with no probate given, was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.1, f.104v.  This was earlier than useful for Richard’s citation.  Because of the date of death of Stephen Mott, it was likely the grandchildren of Stephen Mott who were the heirs of Richard Sydnor.  This Stephen Mott named as his heirs his wife Alice, son Peter, and daughter Agnes. 

               The wife of John Sydnor Jr, the brother of Richard, was named Agnes. The Agnes Mott who was the daughter of Stephen was perhaps too old to have been the wife of John Sydnor. 

               Richard Mott, the executor, was consistently referred to as “my master*” in Richard Sydnor’s will.  “Master” usually was reserved for the clergy, but was later used less discriminately.

[155]             William was the son first named in the will of his father and was to be heir to his father’s principal messuage* that was not specified.

[156]             Although the relationship of this Thomas to other Sydnors, this was the likely family to place him.

[157]             Thomas appeared to be about fifteen years old at the time his father’s will was drawn in 1483.

[158]             See The Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1486-1500, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill (Canterbury and York Society, 1987), v.1, p.134. 

[159]             Two unnamed daughters were shown in the will of John Sydnor.

[160]             Two unnamed daughters were shown in the will of John Sydnor.

[161]          Isabel Sydnor named as heirs of real property three Barrett men in her will of 1478.  The other men named in her will appeared to be grandsons, and it seemed probable that these Barretts also were grandsons, particularly when Stephen was named as one of her executors.

[162]          Steven Barrett was named in the will of Isabel Sydnor with wording that indicated that Steven held a different relationship and was senior to William and Robert who were also named.  Thus, perhaps Steven was the father, but he may have been the brother.

[163]          Isabel apparently intended in her will that the property go to William and Robert only and not to any other heirs of Steven, perhaps those from to a second marriage.

[164]             All these children were named in the will of Isabel Sydnor.

[165]          William Barrett was named in the will of Isabel Sydnor, together with John Barrett.  William Barrett was named in the will of his brother Steven.

[166]          John Barrett was named in the will of Isabel Sydnor, together with William Barrett.  John Barrett was named in the will of his brother Steven Jr.

[167]             These children were not named in the will of Isabel Sydnor.

[168]          A Steven Barrett was named in the will of Isabel Sydnor, together with William and John Barrett. Steven Sr named a son Steven Jr and that the son was born after the will of Isabel Sydnor was drafted.  The similar first names of the Barretts in Isabel Sydnor's will and those in Steven Barrett's will, the time, and the location of Steven in Canterbury, where the  grandchildren Pettits also lived, have suggested this probably was the person named in Isabel's will.

[169]          Steve Jr was not named in the will of Isabel Sydnor and thus was probably born after her will was drafted.

[170]          The will of Steven Barrett Jr was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.9, f.330v.

[171]          Thomas Barrett, who was deceased, was named in the will of his brother Steven Jr.

[172]          Thomas was not named in the will of Isabel Sydnor and thus was probably born after her will was drafted.

[173]          Thomas would not be remembered in the will of Isabel Sydnor if she were his grandmother.  Perhaps he had not been born, although that would seem unlikely since his brother Stephen was old enough to serve as the executor of the will of Isabel Sydnor.  Perhaps he was the son of a second wife of the unknown Barrett who was father to this group of children, and that would also explain why Elizabeth Barrett was not named.

[174]          The will of Thomas Barrett has not been found?

[175]          Elizabeth Barrett was shown in the will of her brother Stephen.

[176]          William Pettit was the father of George Pettit. Descriptive Catalog of Documents Belonging to the Kent Archaelogical Society, Archaeologia Cantiana, v.25 (1902), p.265.  The original document has been held at Chillington House in Maidstone by the Kent Archaeological Society.

George Pettit was an heir of Isabel Sydnor.  The children of Thomas Pettit were heirs of Isabel Sydnor.

If there were no heirs of George or Thomas Pettit, their remaining portion were to go any remaining heirs of Agnes Sydnor.

This led to the conclusion that Agnes had married William Pettit.

[177]          The will for a William Pettit who was the husband with wife name Agnes was not found.

The will of a William Pettit of Chartham in Kent, made 2 May 1483 with no probate given, was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.4, f.68.  Although kin, this was not Agnes husband.

               The will of a William Pettit of Sholden in Kent, made 10 December 1484 with no probate given, was found at Consistory Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 32, v.3, f.24.  Although probably close kin, this was not Agnes Sydnor's husband.

[178]          From the will of Isabel Sydnor of 1478, it appeared that her daughter Agnes was pregnant and recently widowed.

[179]          See the argument given above.

[180]          The will of Isabel Sydnor appeared to presume that George had no no heirs of the body, nor was he likely to have any.

[181]          See the argument given above.

[182]          The will of Isabel Sydnor named Isabel and Alice, daughters of Thomas Pettit, as conditional heirs of George Pettit [E32].  Further, the evidence also suggested that these Pettits were heirs of Agnes (Sydnor) Pettit because if they did not survive, their conditional inheritance was to be distributed to the heirs of Agnes.  Also, the given name of the heir Isabel Pettit certainly suggested some close relationship.

There was a will of Thomas Pettit of High Halden in Kent, made 21 August 1490 and probated 15 January 1490/1, found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.5, f.210.  It did not appear that this Thomas was a son or direct heir of Isabel Sydnor.  This Thomas Pettit apparently had no surviving direct heirs because his only Pettit beneficiary was John, the son of Lawrence Pettit, in the form of his best brass pot.

[183]          Since the will of Isabel left property in Wooton to William Lott, it seemed possible that a daughter may have married a Lott.  The bequest could have been explained in several other ways.

[184]          The will of William Lott was found at Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury, Probate Records 17, v.5, f.379.  See Appendix.

[185]          Robert was the only child shown in the will of William Lott.

[186]          The will of William Lott mentioned grandsons, and no provision was made for Robert's minority.

[187]          William and Isabel Sydnor of the preceding generation both showed Barham as their residence in their wills, but they were the known Sydnors to reside in this area and both held land in Denton.  It was fairly certain from the testament of Isabel Sydnor that Petronilla was her granddaughter.  Petronilla was shown in Evering genealogies as the daughter and heiress of a Sydnor of Denton with no dates shown. 

               Also Petronilla had a son John Evering [E37], and  Isabel Sydnor bequeathed several housekeeping articles to John Evering in her will without identifying him as kin.  Nonetheless, it was very probable that there was close kinship.

[188]             Petronilla's name was not uncommon, although it may have been derived by being born on 31 May, the feast day of Saint Petronilla, the virgin daughter of the apostle Peter.

[189]          The date of about 1441 was shown in LDS Ancestral File 9GMF-KX.  The basis for the estimate was not given, but it fitted with this genealogy.

[190]          See The Visitation of Kent, 1574, Robert Cooke, (Publication of the Harleian Society, ed. W. Bruce Bannerman), pt.1, v.74 (1923), p.48; also The Visitation of Kent, 1619, John Philipot, (Publication of the Harleian Society, ed. Robert Hovenden), v.42 (1898), p.108; also County Genealogies, Pedigrees of the Families in the County of Kent, William Berry (1830), p.262.

               Philipot (1619) and Berry (1830) showed Petronilla as having married Nicholas, although it appeared Berry was following Philipot.  Cooke (1574) showed Petronilla as the wife of John.  Cooke was used here because it was the earlier reference although the other may have been correct.  Since the descent of the Sydnor name was not pursued, the discrepancy was not pursued. 

               The Evering genealogies showed Petronilla as being the daughter of "____ Sydnor of Denton."

[191]          See History and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent, Edward Hasted, v.8 (1799), pp.192-193.

[192]          See History and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent, Edward Hasted, v.9 (1800), p.447.  This manor* was held by the Everings for many generations.

[193]             See Visitation of Kent, 1619, John Phillipot, (Publication of the Harleian Society, ed. Robert Hovenden), v.42, pt.1, p.108; also Visitation of Kent, 1574, Robert Cook (Publication of the Harleian Society, ed. W. Bruce Bannerman), v.74 (1923), p.48, showed only one child, John Jr, and showed the other children as issue of John Jr.

[194]             This death date was given in the printed pedigrees.

[195]             The name for Elizabeth was found at Pedigrees of the Families of the County of Kent, William Berry (1830), p.262.